Religion
All research and editorial content is developed and curated by Ƶ. Read about our process.
While there is no official state religion in Ukraine, Eastern Orthodoxy has long been the dominant religious institution. A formal separation between the state and church provides Ukrainians with a high level of religious freedom.1 However, in practice, the Eastern Orthodox tradition has had considerable influence over Ukrainian politics, society, education, law and family values.2 The cultural influence of Eastern is visible in public architecture, as well as private spaces. For example, many Ukrainians display iconography of saints, holy water and candles.3 Most Ukrainians have an understanding of core Eastern Orthodox beliefs and broader Christian ideas.2
Religious practice and belief in Ukraine tend to be fluid and interwoven into the fabric of social life. This is evident in the celebration of life cycle rites, which are often practised in religious contexts regardless of one’s religiosity. For instance, most families celebrate a child’s baptism in a church and select godparents to act as their moral guides. However, many parents perform the sacrament as a ritual of protection and do not necessarily baptise their child for the purpose of membership into a church. The incorporation of different beliefs, practices and symbols is not usually seen as contradictory or incompatible. For example, Catholic and Orthodox Ukrainians may celebrate each other’s religious holidays (see Dates of Significance).
As of 2021, approximately 60% of Ukrainians identify as Eastern Orthodox Christian, making it the largest religious affiliation in Ukraine (although this figure has declined from 70.6% in 2013).4 A further 9.6% identify as Ukrainian Greek Catholic.4 Other religious groups include various Protestant traditions (1-2%), Roman Catholic (0.5-1.5%), Judaism (0.5%), Islam (0.5%) and Buddhism (0.5%).4 Approximately 8% of Ukrainians identify as ‘just Christian’, i.e. Christians not formally affiliated with a denomination.4 Religious affiliation has risen in the population over the last few decades. In conjunction, those who identify as non-religious have decreased from 11.9% in 2000 to 5.0% in 2021.4 However, the number of self-identifying atheists has remained largely consistent, fluctuating between 3.2% in 2000 and 3.5-4% in 2021.4
It is important to note that figures on religious communities have been affected by changes to the control of Kyiv authorities over Ukrainian territories. For example, the number of Muslims in southern Ukraine diminished from 4.2% to 0.5% after the Russian annexation of the Crimea and consequential exclusion of many Crimean Tatars.4
Shifts and Trends in Religious Affiliation
Religiosity has risen significantly among the Ukrainian population since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Periodic surveys show the number of religiously affiliated Ukrainians grew from 43-48% in 1991 to 57.8% in 2000.5 However, this drastic shift may not necessarily reflect an increase in religiosity, but rather the socio-cultural changes post-independence that allowed greater freedom of religious expression. During the Soviet era, Ukrainians were expected to self-identify as non-religious or atheist. However, it became evident that much of the Ukrainian population had continued to follow their faith in private. Today, it is now the cultural norm to identify as religious, and there has been a growing revival of various religious traditions. As of 2021, 66-68% of Ukrainians consider themselves religious.4
The increase in religious affiliation has partially been driven by social and political upheavals over the past few decades. Adverse experiences have often cast religion as a positive, stabilising force in Ukrainian society. For instance, the Chornobyl Accident (1986) contributed to the spread of eschatological sentiments and prompted many Ukrainians to reflect on issues of faith. Similarly, levels of religiosity in Ukraine reached their peak (76%) in 2014 after a series of disruptive events: the Maidan Uprising, the Russian annexation of Crimea, and the beginning of the war in Donbas.4 Increases in faith during periods of political turmoil have created strong connections between the political and religious views of the population.6 While religion provides a personal coping mechanism, it has increasingly become an avenue for individuals to express national identities and allegiances.6 The politicisation of the religious sphere has intensified noticeably amid the major escalation in Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine since 2022.
While the Ukrainian population has become more religious overall, individuals’ level of religiosity tends to vary between different demographics. For example, the western regions of Ukraine have historically been more religious than the southern and central regions. In 2021, 87.1% of residents in western regions identified as religious compared to 60–63% in southern and central Ukraine.4 Levels of religiosity also tend to be higher among women, the elderly and those from rural areas.4 A correlation exists between the level of religiousness and educational level, whereby those with lower educational attainment are more likely to be religious.7 However, typically, one’s religiosity is most influenced by one's family background. People who have been raised in a religious household tend to more readily identify themselves as religious than those raised in households where religion was absent or considered unimportant to family life.
Eastern Orthodoxy in Ukraine
Historical Overview
Eastern has had a long and complex history in Ukraine, spanning over a millennia.8 As the main religious institution for centuries, the Orthodox tradition has greatly influenced the development of Ukrainian statehood and national identity.2 The official conversion to Christianity in Ukraine began after the mass baptism of Kyivan Rus’ people by religious clergy from Constantinople in 988 under Volodymyr the Great.2 Thus, the Byzantine tradition from Eastern became the dominant Christian tradition in Ukraine. Successive development of Eastern in Ukraine occurred through the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople until the late 17th century.9 In 1686, the Orthodox churches of Ukraine came under the church jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Moscow (Russian Orthodox Church).9, 10
In 1921, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church was founded and became widely popular among both the Ukrainian intelligentsia and peasantry.10 The Church was associated with a national revival of identity at the time and was thus subject to anti-religious propaganda and harassment from the Soviet regime.10 Soviet religious suppression eventually resulted in the liquidation of the church and the arrest or exile of leaders and clergy.10 However, Church activities continued underground and among the global Ukrainian for numerous decades.10 The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 saw Ukraine’s declaration of independence as well as a revival of attempts to establish an independent Ukrainian .10
By the end of the 20th century, there were three main Eastern Orthodox traditions of major influence in Ukraine:
- The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP)
- The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyiv Patriarchate (UOC-KP)
- The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC)
Contemporary Ukrainian Orthodox Churches
In 2018, there was a major policy initiative to break with the Patriarchate of Moscow (Russian Orthodox Church) and create an autonomous Ukrainian Orthodox Church.10 Through a unification council, Orthodox leaders voted to unite all the existing major Ukrainian Orthodox jurisdictions to form the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). This included the UAOC, UOC-KP and some parts of the UOC-MP. The newly founded Eastern Orthodox Church of Ukraine was approved as an autocephalous church by the ecumenical patriarch of Constantinople in 2019, thus formally recognising the independence and of Ukraine’s Orthodox community.10
Over 1,100 religious communities and monasteries announced their transition from the Patriarchate of Moscow (UOC-MP) to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) following its formation.10 It also prompted many Ukrainians to change their confessional self-identification from ‘Orthodox’ as a generalised identity to a specific church. As a result, the number of OCU parishioners increased from 20% in 2019 to 30% in 2020.5 The number of UOC-MP parishioners also grew from 16.3% to 21.7%, marking the first time a rise has been recorded since 2010.5 Meanwhile, only 2.3-3.7% of respondents declared their affiliation to the re-established UOC-KP.5
Since the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, affiliation with the Patriarchate of Moscow (UOC-MP) has dropped significantly from 18% of the population in 2021 to 4% in 2022.11 In contrast, followers of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) increased from 42% in 2021 to 54% in 2022.11 According to data from 2021, approximately 40% of UOC-MP parishioners are over 60 years old.4 Meanwhile, the OCU has more members of a younger demographic.4
It is important to note that Church membership and confessional affiliations do not necessarily represent the number of Eastern Orthodox adherents who identify with specific traditions. The religious priorities of the population do not always coincide with existing church infrastructures and institutional organisations in Ukraine.9 Additionally, there is a variety of smaller Orthodox communities of different ethnic or cultural origins that exist outside of the major Orthodox traditions. Many have Russian roots, such as the Old Believers Russian Orthodox Church, Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia, and the Russian True Orthodox Church.9 Moreover, the intensive migration over the last century has seen many Ukrainians establish Orthodox communities throughout the global .9
Orthodox Identity
For many Ukrainians, Eastern represents more than a religious belief or practice. The Eastern Orthodox tradition has been formative to ideas of Ukrainian statehood and is deeply connected to the national ethnic identity. While it is not a requirement of being Ukrainian, much of Ukraine’s population views Ukrainian as a symbolic cultural emblem.4 Confidence in the Church has remained consistent over the last 20 years, with many considering it important to maintain national stability.6 In turn, Ukrainian has become a national institution generally supported by all factions of religious affiliations (including those who identify as atheist or non-religious).6 As of 2021, the majority of the Ukrainian population (63.5%) still trusts the church as a social institution.4 However, this does not necessarily translate into support for a nationally oriented church, as many people value and wish to protect the longstanding secularism of the country.4
Many Ukrainians identify as ‘Orthodox’ regardless of whether they hold a distinct religious worldview or regard themselves as a ‘believer’. Indeed, the term ‘Orthodox’ is more often used to identify oneself as religious and does not necessarily indicate affiliation with Eastern or a specific church. Many Ukrainians’ identification and engagement with occurs at a cultural level, whereby the religious tradition is viewed as a social institution. For example, one’s baptism in childhood and celebration of religious holidays may be the extent of their participation in the Orthodox tradition. Data from 2021 showed that approximately a third (34.6%) of Ukrainians only attend church services on significant holidays, while 18% attend once a month, and 15.6% visit once a week or more.4 However, there are still many who actively participate in the religious life of the church, and active participation varies significantly between different Eastern Orthodox communities.4
Visit the Eastern Orthodox Christian profile for more information on religious beliefs and practices.
Other Christian Traditions in Ukraine
Catholic Traditions
Various Catholic traditions have had a longstanding presence and influence in Ukraine. Today, the two main Catholic traditions are the Roman Catholic Church and the Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church. Smaller communities include the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Mukachevo (mostly in the western regions) and parts of the Armenian Catholic Church.
Missionaries from the Roman Catholic Church arrived near the end of the first millennium CE, with a permanent presence established during the 12th century through the settlement of the Dominicans.2 In 1596, the Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church was formed after the Union of Brest, which permitted the continued practice of Orthodox liturgy and rites.9 This union involved five of the seven Ukrainian Orthodox bishops accepting the authority of the Pope and the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church.9
During the early 20th century, the Soviet regime declared the Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church as an anti-national institution.9 This saw all seven bishops and hundreds of religious professionals imprisoned, and all parishes converted to the Russian Orthodox Church.9 The institution continued to exist outside of Ukraine and was subsequently restored after 1989.12
As of 2020, there are 5,269 Catholic organisations in Ukraine, of which 69.5% (3,660 organisations) belong to the Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church.5 A further 21.5% (1,134) belong to the Roman Catholic Church and 9.0% (471) from the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Mukachevo.5 The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church’s presence is mostly concentrated in the Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk and Ternopil regions of western Ukraine, where 87% of the religious organisations are located.5 The Catholic traditions of Ukraine also have a strong continued presence in the , with dioceses established all over the world, including North America, , Oceania and throughout Europe.12
Protestant Traditions
Protestant traditions have had minor influences on Ukrainian society relative to other Christian traditions, although they are becoming increasingly more prominent. The number of those who identify with a Protestant tradition in Ukraine is relatively small, accounting for approximately 1–2.2% of the population.61 However, the number of registered Protestant organisations is comparatively large, having increased from approximately 6,800 organisations in 2010,2 to more than 10,500 in 2020.5 In turn, Protestant organisations make up approximately 30% of all Christian religious organisations in Ukraine.5
In 2020, Baptist churches had the largest number of religious organisations in Ukraine (3,034). Other prominent Protestant traditions are Evangelical and Pentecostal churches (2,974), and the Seventh-day Adventist Church (1,085).5 There are also smaller followings of the Reformed Church, the Lutheran Church, Charismatic Christian churches, the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), the New Apostolic Church, the Presbyterian Church and the Methodist Church, as well as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Visit the Protestant Christian profile for more information on religious beliefs and practices.
Neopagan Worldviews and Folk Belief in Ukraine
Neopagan traditions have gained popularity in Ukraine over the last few decades. These traditions may be characterised as new religious movements whose origins can be traced to the 20th century.13 However, many adherents consider their traditions as having long standing histories, spanning back to the Pagan worldviews held by various communities in the pre-Christian period. This is part of a practice of reclamation, which sees individuals and communities reevaluating and recasting discarded or devalued traditions to forge new identities.13 It is difficult to discern the exact number of Ukrainians who identify as Neopagan.68 There were 129 Neopagan organisations registered in Ukraine as of 2020.5 However, this figure does little to indicate the number of adherents.5
Approximately half of the registered organisations are affiliated with the Native Ukrainian National Faith (also known as RUNVira). This is a monotheistic tradition heavily imbued with nationalist sentiments and features many historical and contemporary political symbols.5, 14 Two other major movements are the Native Faith (another monotheistic tradition with nationalist orientations) and the Ancestral Fire (a polytheistic tradition oriented towards a pan-Slavic community, emphasising magic).14 All three traditions share a reverence for the 19th-century poet Tara Shevchenko, regarding this historical figure of Ukraine as a spiritual hero.14 These neopagan traditions are also commonly informed by a belief in Ukraine as the ‘sacred land’.14 However, this has not prevented the international proliferation of such traditions, which have become a global phenomenon both within and outside the .14
The diversity of Neopagan traditions in Ukraine is also reflected in the diversity of practices and beliefs. Nonetheless, there are some broad features common to most, such as a deep connection with nature and community, reverence for the sacredness of nature and seasonal cycles, and a personal embodied religious experience based on this connection with the sacred.13 One particular ritual that has become a commonplace activity for many Neopagans is known as the Pagan khoda (procession), which takes place every year on Ukrainian Independence Day.14 Many Neopagan groups perform sacred ceremonies near respective shrines, followed by a procession through Kyiv. Eventually, the procession reaches the monument to Taras Shevchenko, where people pay homage to the highly revered figure.
Folk beliefs and practices are also increasingly popular in Ukraine. For example, there are numerous rituals related to housewarming, such as the adornment of amulets and objects thought to ward off evil spirits or welcome favourable ones. Ukrainian folklore aesthetics also play a major role in Neopagan traditions and beyond. Such aesthetics are characterised by traditional embroidered cloths (known as rushnyky) and decorative symbols, such as sunflowers and kalyna (a berry native to Ukraine).6 These folk beliefs, practices and symbols are generally not seen as contradictory or incompatible with other religious views. Moreover, folklore is often deeply intertwined with nationalist sentiments, exhibited through what was originally referred to as ‘folk clothing’, now instead widely regarded as ‘national costume’.14